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Real Differences. Little Stones. City of Girls. Eleanor Oliphant is Completely Fine. View Wishlist. Our Awards Booktopia's Charities. Are you sure you would like to remove these items from your wishlist? Most of these scenarios are solely fodder for late-night talk shows. If all this is true, what is Dershowitz trying to accomplish? One can detect in this critique some measure of resentment and jealousy. Dershowitz is a terrific TV guest.
At the age of 79, a time when many of his counterparts have long since dialed back their public presence, the Trump story has given Dershowitz a vehicle back into the thick of it. Dershowitz is on CNN more often now, he says, but his beef with the network seems to presume that he needs to offer his views on TV, and that if Fox News is the outlet that wants to put him on, then so be it.
The problem, as many see it, is that in going on Fox News—a network whose hosts tend to operate as attack dogs for Trump and a kind of security blanket for his supporters—Dershowitz is retailing an argument in a place where it has an entirely different meaning. Dershowitz himself has said that Trump should not fire Mueller, but no one has done more than he has to give cover to Republicans in Congress who might choose to look the other way were Trump to do so.
This is not the United States or anything. But Dershowitz said he thought the appearances important. As he sees it, the best way to achieve his goal—and to get it the attention it deserves — is by defending the most odious clients in the most provocative possible way on the very principles liberals claim to love. As he sees it, the best way to achieve his goal—and to get it the attention it deserves—is by defending the most odious clients in the most provocative possible way on the very principles liberals claim to love.
Watching Dershowitz do his thing is supremely challenging. It feels in-your-face, almost obnoxious, which is probably part of the point. What makes it especially tough to take is it seems as if Dershowitz thinks he alone is immune from the curse of hypocrisy. But his core point is worth reflecting upon.
Have civil libertarians ever defended FISA courts and no-knock warrants? Maxine Waters did in the aftermath of the D. What does it say about us if we cast him out? Perhaps Alan Dershowitz has a greater capacity than the rest of us to separate the transient anxieties of this moment from the bigger risks, and perhaps history will look back upon the Trump presidency as the sort of challenge that demonstrates the resilience of a liberal democracy—a seminal ethical moment like the Skokie marches or the Nuremberg trials, in which society protects procedural rights as it simultaneously expresses profound disagreement with those whose rights are being protected.
Or perhaps the democratic project is under existential threat—and history, if it survives as an independent academic enterprise, will look back pityingly upon civil libertarians who coddled power with their concerns about prosecutorial overreach while a fundamentally corrupt president undermined the great American project.suppwacheartpyw.tk
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For his part, Dershowitz is optimistic. Others take a darker view, as a raft of seriously argued recent books about Trump and democracy attest. In How Democracies Die, Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt identify four warning signs that a leader puts democracy at risk: a weak commitment to democratic rules, denial of the legitimacy of opponents, toleration of violence, and a willingness to curb civil liberties or the media.
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